Structural Crisis in the World-System: Where Do We Go from Here?
by Immanuel Wallerstein
Monthly Review
...
A second major cyclical rhythm of the capitalist world-economy is that involving the interstate system. All states within the world-system are theoretically sovereign but actually highly constrained by the processes of the interstate system. Some states are, however, stronger than others, meaning that they have greater control over internal fragmentation and outside intrusion. No state, nonetheless, is wholly sovereign.
In a system of multiple states, there are rather long cycles in which one state manages to become for a relatively brief time the hegemonic power. To be a hegemonic power is to achieve a quasi-monopoly of geopolitical power, in which the state in question is able to impose its rules, its order, on the system as a whole, in ways that favor the maximization of accumulation of capital to enterprises located within its borders.
Achieving the position of being the hegemonic power is not easy, and has only been truly achieved three times in the five-hundred-year history of the modern world-system—the United Provinces in the mid-seventeenth century, the United Kingdom in the mid-nineteenth century, and the United States in the mid-twentieth century.4
True hegemony has lasted, on average, only twenty-five years. Like quasi-monopolies of leading industries, quasi-monopolies of geopolitical power are self-liquidating. Other states improve their economic, and then their political and cultural, positions and become less willing to accept the “leadership” of the erstwhile hegemonic power.
Premise No. 3 is a reading of what has happened in the modern world-system from 1945 to 2010. I divide this into two periods: 1945 to circa 1970; circa 1970-2010. Once again, I summarize what I have argued at length previously. The period 1945-circa 1970 was one of great economic expansion in the world-economy, indeed by far the most expansive Kondratieff A-period in the history of the capitalist world-economy. When the quasi-monopolies were breached, the world-system entered a Kondratieff B-downturn in which it still finds itself. Predictably, capitalists since the 1970s have shifted their focus from the production arena to the financial arena. The world-system then entered the most extensive continuous series of speculative bubbles in the history of the modern world-system, with the greatest level of multiple indebtednesses.
The period 1945 to circa 1970 was also the period of full U.S. hegemony in the world-system. Once the United States had made a deal with the only other militarily strong state, the Soviet Union (a deal rhetorically called “Yalta”), U.S. hegemony was essentially unchallenged. But then once the geopolitical quasi-monopoly was breached, the United States entered into a period of hegemonic decline, which has escalated from a slow decline into a precipitate one during the presidency of George W. Bush.5 U.S. hegemony was far more extensive and total than those of previous hegemonic powers, and its full decline promises to be the swiftest and most total.
There is one other element to put into the picture—the world-revolution of 1968, which occurred essentially between 1966 and 1970, and took place in all three major geopolitical zones of the world-system of the time: the pan-European world (the “West”), the Socialist bloc (the “East”), and the third world (the “South”).6
There were two common elements to these local political uprisings. The first was the condemnation not only of U.S. hegemony but also of Soviet “collusion” with the United States. The second was the rejection not only of dominant “centrist liberalism” but also of the fact that the traditional antisystemic movements (the “Old Left”) had essentially become avatars of centrist liberalism (as had mainstream conservative movements).7
While the actual uprisings of 1968 did not last very long, there were two main consequences in the political-ideological sphere. The first was that centrist liberalism ended its long reign (1848-1968) as the only legitimate ideological position, and both the radical left and the conservative right resumed their roles as autonomous ideological contestants in the world-system.
The second consequence, for the left, was the end of the legitimacy of the Old Left’s claim to be the prime national political actor on behalf of the left, to which all other movements had to subordinate themselves. The so-called forgotten peoples (women, ethnic/racial/religious “minorities,” “indigenous” nations, persons of non-heterosexual sexual orientations), as well as those concerned with ecological or peace issues, asserted their right to be considered prime actors on an equal level with the historical subjects of the traditional antisystemic movements. They rejected definitively the claim of the traditional movements to control their political activities and were successful in their new demand for autonomy. After 1968, the Old Left movements acceded to their political claim to equal current status for their demands, in place of deferring these demands to a post-revolutionary future.
Politically, what happened in the twenty-five years succeeding 1968 is that the reinvigorated world right asserted itself more effectively than the more fragmented world left. The world right, led by the Reagan Republicans and the Thatcher Conservatives, transformed world discourse and political priorities.
The buzzword “globalization” replaced the previous buzzword “development.” The so-called Washington Consensus preached privatization of state productive enterprises, reduction of state expenditures, opening of the frontiers to uncontrolled entry of commodities and capital, and the orientation to production for export. The prime objectives were to reverse all the gains of the lower strata during the Kondratieff A-period. The world right sought to reduce all the major costs of production, to destroy the welfare state in all its versions, and to slow down the decline of U.S. power in the world-system.
Mrs. Thatcher coined the slogan, “There is no alternative” or TINA. To ensure that, in fact, there would be no alternative, the International Monetary Fund, backed by the U.S. Treasury, made as a condition of all financial assistance to countries with budgetary crises adherence to its strict neoliberal conditions.
These draconian tactics worked for about twenty years, bringing about the collapse of regimes led by the Old Left or the conversion of Old Left parties to adherence to the doctrine of the primacy of the market. But by the mid-1990s, there surfaced a significant degree of popular resistance to the Washington Consensus, whose three main moments were the neo-Zapatista uprising in Chiapas on January 1, 1994; the demonstrations at the Seattle meeting of the World Trade Organization in Seattle, which scuttled the attempt to enact worldwide constraints on intellectual property rights; and the founding of the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre in 2001.
The Asian debt crisis in 1997 and the collapse of the U.S. housing bubble in 2008 brought us to our current public discussion of the so-called financial crisis in the world-system, which is, in fact, nothing but the next-to-last bubble in the cascading series of debt crises since the 1970s.
Premise No. 4 is the description of what happens in a structural crisis, which the world-system is in at the present time, has been in at least since the 1970s, and shall continue to be in until probably circa 2050. The primary characteristic of a structural crisis is chaos. Chaos is not a situation of totally random happenings. It is a situation of rapid and constant fluctuations in all the parameters of the historical system. This includes not only the world-economy, the interstate system, and cultural-ideological currents, but also the availability of life resources, climatic conditions, and pandemics.
To Read the Entire Essay
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Showing posts with label Socialism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Socialism. Show all posts
Albert Einstein: Why Socialism
Why Socialism?
By Albert Einstein
Monthly Review, New York, May, 1949.
...
Man is, at one and the same time, a solitary being and a social being. As a solitary being, he attempts to protect his own existence and that of those who are closest to him, to satisfy his personal desires, and to develop his innate abilities. As a social being, he seeks to gain the recognition and affection of his fellow human beings, to share in their pleasures, to comfort them in their sorrows, and to improve their conditions of life. Only the existence of these varied, frequently conflicting strivings accounts for the special character of a man, and their specific combination determines the extent to which an individual can achieve an inner equilibrium and can contribute to the well-being of society. It is quite possible that the relative strength of these two drives is, in the main, fixed by inheritance. But the personality that finally emerges is largely formed by the environment in which a man happens to find himself during his development, by the structure of the society in which he grows up, by the tradition of that society, and by its appraisal of particular types of behavior. The abstract concept "society" means to the individual human being the sum total of his direct and indirect relations to his contemporaries and to all the people of earlier generations. The individual is able to think, feel, strive, and work by himself; but he depends so much upon society -- in his physical, intellectual, and emotional existence -- that it is impossible to think of him, or to understand him, outside the framework of society. It is "society" which provides man with food, clothing, a home, the tools of work, language, the forms of thought, and most of the content of thought; his life is made possible through the labor and the accomplishments of the many millions past and present who are all hidden behind the small word "society."
It is evident, therefore, that the dependence of the individual upon society is a fact of nature which cannot be abolished -- just as in the case of ants and bees. However, while the whole life process of ants and bees is fixed down to the smallest detail by rigid, hereditary instincts, the social pattern and interrelationships of human beings are very variable and susceptible to change. Memory, the capacity to make new combinations, the gift of oral communication have made possible developments among human beings which are not dictated by biological necessities. Such developments manifest themselves in traditions, institutions, and organizations; in literature; in scientific and engineering accomplishments; in works of art. This explains how it happens that, in a certain sense, man can influence his life through his own conduct, and that in this process conscious thinking and wanting can play a part.
Man acquires at birth, through heredity, a biological constitution which we must consider fixed and unalterable, including the natural urges which are characteristic of the human species. In addition, during his lifetime, he acquires a cultural constitution which he adopts from society through communication and through many other types of influences. It is this cultural constitution which, with the passage of time, is subject to change and which determines to a very large extent the relationship between the individual and society Modern anthropology has taught us, through comparative investigation of so-called primitive cultures, that the social behavior of human beings may differ greatly, depending upon prevailing cultural patterns and the types of organization which predominate in society. It is on this that those who are striving to improve the lot of man may ground their hopes: human beings are not condemned, because of their biological constitution, to annihilate each other or to be at the mercy of a cruel, self-inflicted fate.
If we ask ourselves how the structure of society and the cultural attitude of man should be changed in order to make human life as satisfying as possible, we should constantly be conscious of the fact that there are certain conditions which we are unable to modify. As mentioned before, the biological nature of man is, for all practical purposes, not subject to change. Furthermore, technological and demographic developments of the last few centuries have created conditions which are here to stay. In relatively densely settled populations with the goods which are indispensable to their continued existence, an extreme division of labor and a highly centralized productive apparatus are absolutely necessary. The time -- which, looking back, seems so idyllic -- is gone forever when individuals or relatively small groups could be completely self-sufficient. It is only a slight exaggeration to say that mankind constitutes even now a planetary community of production and consumption.
I have now reached the point where I may indicate briefly what to me constitutes the essence of the crisis of our time. It concerns the relationship of the individual to society. The individual has become more conscious than ever of his dependence upon society. But he does not experience this dependence as a positive asset, as an organic tie, as a protective force, but rather as a threat to his natural rights, or even to his economic existence. Moreover, his position in society is such that the egotistical drives of his make-up are constantly being accentuated, while his social drives, which are by nature weaker, progressively deteriorate. All human beings, whatever their position in society, are suffering from this process of deterioration. Unknowingly prisoners of their own egotism, they feel insecure, lonely, and deprived of the naive, simple, and unsophisticated enjoyment of life. Man can find meaning in life, short and perilous as it is, only through devoting himself to society.
The economic anarchy of capitalist society as it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the evil. We see before us a huge community of producers the members of which are unceasingly striving to deprive each other of the fruits of their collective labor -- not by force, but on the whole in faithful compliance with legally established rules. In this respect, it is important to realize that the means of production -- that is to say, the entire productive capacity that is needed for producing consumer goods as well as additional capital goods -- may legally be, and for the most part are, the private property of individuals.
For the sake of simplicity, in the discussion that follows I shall call "workers" all those who do not share in the ownership of the means of production -- although this does not quite correspond to the customary use of the term. The owner of the means of production is in a position to purchase the labor power of the worker. By using the means of production, the worker produces new goods which become the property of the capitalist. The essential point about this process is the relation between what the worker produces and what he is paid, both measured in terms of real value. In so far as the labor contract is "free," what the worker receives is determined not by the real value of the goods he produces, but by his minimum needs and by the capitalists' requirements for labor power in relation to the number of workers competing for jobs. It is important to understand that even in theory the payment of the worker is not determined by the value of his product.
Private capital tends to become concentrated in few hands, partly because of competition among the capitalists, and partly because technological development and the increasing division of labor encourage the formation of larger units of production at the expense of the smaller ones. The result of these developments is an oligarchy of private capital the enormous power of which cannot be effectively checked even by a democratically organized political society. This is true since the members of legislative bodies are selected by political parties, largely financed or otherwise influenced by private capitalists who, for all practical purposes, separate the electorate from the legislature. The consequence is that the representatives of the people do not in fact sufficiently protect the interests of the underprivileged sections of the population. Moreover, under existing conditions, private capitalists inevitably control, directly or indirectly, the main sources of information (press, radio, education). It is thus extremely difficult, and indeed in most cases quite impossible, for the individual citizen to come to objective conclusions and to make intelligent use of his political rights.
The situation prevailing in an economy based on the private ownership of capital is thus characterized main principles: first, means of production (capital) are privately owned and the owners dispose of them as they see fit; second, the labor contract is free. Of course, there is no such thing as a pure capitalist society in this sense. In particular, it should be noted that the workers, through long and bitter political struggles, have succeeded in securing a somewhat improved form of the "free labor contract" for certain categories of workers. But taken as a whole, the present-day economy does not differ much from "pure" capitalism.
Production is carried on for profit, not for use. There is no provision that all those able and willing to work will always be in a position to find employment; an "army of unemployed" almost always exists. The worker is constantly in fear of losing his job. Since unemployed and poorly paid workers do not provide a profitable market, the production of consumers' goods is restricted, and great hardship is the consequence. Technological progress frequently results in more unemployment rather than in an easing of the burden of work for all. The profit motive, in conjunction with competition among capitalists, is responsible for an instability in the accumulation and utilization of capital which leads to increasingly severe depressions. Unlimited competition leads to a huge waste of labor, and to that crippling of the social consciousness of individuals which I mentioned before.
This crippling of individuals I consider the worst evil of capitalism. Our whole educational system suffers from this evil. An exaggerated competitive attitude is inculcated into the student, who is trained to worship acquisitive success as a preparation for his future career.
I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilized in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow-men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society.
To Read the Entire Essay
By Albert Einstein
Monthly Review, New York, May, 1949.
...
Man is, at one and the same time, a solitary being and a social being. As a solitary being, he attempts to protect his own existence and that of those who are closest to him, to satisfy his personal desires, and to develop his innate abilities. As a social being, he seeks to gain the recognition and affection of his fellow human beings, to share in their pleasures, to comfort them in their sorrows, and to improve their conditions of life. Only the existence of these varied, frequently conflicting strivings accounts for the special character of a man, and their specific combination determines the extent to which an individual can achieve an inner equilibrium and can contribute to the well-being of society. It is quite possible that the relative strength of these two drives is, in the main, fixed by inheritance. But the personality that finally emerges is largely formed by the environment in which a man happens to find himself during his development, by the structure of the society in which he grows up, by the tradition of that society, and by its appraisal of particular types of behavior. The abstract concept "society" means to the individual human being the sum total of his direct and indirect relations to his contemporaries and to all the people of earlier generations. The individual is able to think, feel, strive, and work by himself; but he depends so much upon society -- in his physical, intellectual, and emotional existence -- that it is impossible to think of him, or to understand him, outside the framework of society. It is "society" which provides man with food, clothing, a home, the tools of work, language, the forms of thought, and most of the content of thought; his life is made possible through the labor and the accomplishments of the many millions past and present who are all hidden behind the small word "society."
It is evident, therefore, that the dependence of the individual upon society is a fact of nature which cannot be abolished -- just as in the case of ants and bees. However, while the whole life process of ants and bees is fixed down to the smallest detail by rigid, hereditary instincts, the social pattern and interrelationships of human beings are very variable and susceptible to change. Memory, the capacity to make new combinations, the gift of oral communication have made possible developments among human beings which are not dictated by biological necessities. Such developments manifest themselves in traditions, institutions, and organizations; in literature; in scientific and engineering accomplishments; in works of art. This explains how it happens that, in a certain sense, man can influence his life through his own conduct, and that in this process conscious thinking and wanting can play a part.
Man acquires at birth, through heredity, a biological constitution which we must consider fixed and unalterable, including the natural urges which are characteristic of the human species. In addition, during his lifetime, he acquires a cultural constitution which he adopts from society through communication and through many other types of influences. It is this cultural constitution which, with the passage of time, is subject to change and which determines to a very large extent the relationship between the individual and society Modern anthropology has taught us, through comparative investigation of so-called primitive cultures, that the social behavior of human beings may differ greatly, depending upon prevailing cultural patterns and the types of organization which predominate in society. It is on this that those who are striving to improve the lot of man may ground their hopes: human beings are not condemned, because of their biological constitution, to annihilate each other or to be at the mercy of a cruel, self-inflicted fate.
If we ask ourselves how the structure of society and the cultural attitude of man should be changed in order to make human life as satisfying as possible, we should constantly be conscious of the fact that there are certain conditions which we are unable to modify. As mentioned before, the biological nature of man is, for all practical purposes, not subject to change. Furthermore, technological and demographic developments of the last few centuries have created conditions which are here to stay. In relatively densely settled populations with the goods which are indispensable to their continued existence, an extreme division of labor and a highly centralized productive apparatus are absolutely necessary. The time -- which, looking back, seems so idyllic -- is gone forever when individuals or relatively small groups could be completely self-sufficient. It is only a slight exaggeration to say that mankind constitutes even now a planetary community of production and consumption.
I have now reached the point where I may indicate briefly what to me constitutes the essence of the crisis of our time. It concerns the relationship of the individual to society. The individual has become more conscious than ever of his dependence upon society. But he does not experience this dependence as a positive asset, as an organic tie, as a protective force, but rather as a threat to his natural rights, or even to his economic existence. Moreover, his position in society is such that the egotistical drives of his make-up are constantly being accentuated, while his social drives, which are by nature weaker, progressively deteriorate. All human beings, whatever their position in society, are suffering from this process of deterioration. Unknowingly prisoners of their own egotism, they feel insecure, lonely, and deprived of the naive, simple, and unsophisticated enjoyment of life. Man can find meaning in life, short and perilous as it is, only through devoting himself to society.
The economic anarchy of capitalist society as it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the evil. We see before us a huge community of producers the members of which are unceasingly striving to deprive each other of the fruits of their collective labor -- not by force, but on the whole in faithful compliance with legally established rules. In this respect, it is important to realize that the means of production -- that is to say, the entire productive capacity that is needed for producing consumer goods as well as additional capital goods -- may legally be, and for the most part are, the private property of individuals.
For the sake of simplicity, in the discussion that follows I shall call "workers" all those who do not share in the ownership of the means of production -- although this does not quite correspond to the customary use of the term. The owner of the means of production is in a position to purchase the labor power of the worker. By using the means of production, the worker produces new goods which become the property of the capitalist. The essential point about this process is the relation between what the worker produces and what he is paid, both measured in terms of real value. In so far as the labor contract is "free," what the worker receives is determined not by the real value of the goods he produces, but by his minimum needs and by the capitalists' requirements for labor power in relation to the number of workers competing for jobs. It is important to understand that even in theory the payment of the worker is not determined by the value of his product.
Private capital tends to become concentrated in few hands, partly because of competition among the capitalists, and partly because technological development and the increasing division of labor encourage the formation of larger units of production at the expense of the smaller ones. The result of these developments is an oligarchy of private capital the enormous power of which cannot be effectively checked even by a democratically organized political society. This is true since the members of legislative bodies are selected by political parties, largely financed or otherwise influenced by private capitalists who, for all practical purposes, separate the electorate from the legislature. The consequence is that the representatives of the people do not in fact sufficiently protect the interests of the underprivileged sections of the population. Moreover, under existing conditions, private capitalists inevitably control, directly or indirectly, the main sources of information (press, radio, education). It is thus extremely difficult, and indeed in most cases quite impossible, for the individual citizen to come to objective conclusions and to make intelligent use of his political rights.
The situation prevailing in an economy based on the private ownership of capital is thus characterized main principles: first, means of production (capital) are privately owned and the owners dispose of them as they see fit; second, the labor contract is free. Of course, there is no such thing as a pure capitalist society in this sense. In particular, it should be noted that the workers, through long and bitter political struggles, have succeeded in securing a somewhat improved form of the "free labor contract" for certain categories of workers. But taken as a whole, the present-day economy does not differ much from "pure" capitalism.
Production is carried on for profit, not for use. There is no provision that all those able and willing to work will always be in a position to find employment; an "army of unemployed" almost always exists. The worker is constantly in fear of losing his job. Since unemployed and poorly paid workers do not provide a profitable market, the production of consumers' goods is restricted, and great hardship is the consequence. Technological progress frequently results in more unemployment rather than in an easing of the burden of work for all. The profit motive, in conjunction with competition among capitalists, is responsible for an instability in the accumulation and utilization of capital which leads to increasingly severe depressions. Unlimited competition leads to a huge waste of labor, and to that crippling of the social consciousness of individuals which I mentioned before.
This crippling of individuals I consider the worst evil of capitalism. Our whole educational system suffers from this evil. An exaggerated competitive attitude is inculcated into the student, who is trained to worship acquisitive success as a preparation for his future career.
I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilized in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow-men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society.
To Read the Entire Essay
Human Resources: Social Engineering in the 20th Century (Scott Noble, 2011: 119 mins)
Documentary Stream
Human Resources explores the rise of mechanistic philosophy and the exploitation of human beings under modern hierarchical systems. Topics covered include behaviorism, scientific management, work-place democracy, schooling, frustration-aggression hypothesis and human experimentation.
Sources:
Anarcho -- Anti-Capitalism or State Capitalism?
Beissinger, Mark R. -- Scientific Management, socialist discipline and Soviet power
Chang, Iris -- the Rape of Nanking
Cockburn, Alex and St. Claire, Jeffrey -- Whiteout: The CIA, drugs and the press
Gatto, John Taylor -- The Underground History of American Education; Dumbing Us Down
Goliszek, Andrew -- In the name of science
Klein, Naomi -- The Shock Doctrine
Kohn, Alfie -- What does it mean to be well-educated?; No contest: the case against competition
Lemov, Rebecca -- World as Laboratory: Experiments with mice, mazes and men
Noble, David -- Forces of Production: a social history of industrial automation
Ritzer, George -- The McDonaldization of Society
Shepherd, Harold & Herrick, Neil -- Where Have All the Robots Gone?
Smith, Sharon -- Subterranean Fire: A History of working class radicalism
Szulc, Tad -- The CIA's Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test
Human Resources explores the rise of mechanistic philosophy and the exploitation of human beings under modern hierarchical systems. Topics covered include behaviorism, scientific management, work-place democracy, schooling, frustration-aggression hypothesis and human experimentation.
Sources:
Anarcho -- Anti-Capitalism or State Capitalism?
Beissinger, Mark R. -- Scientific Management, socialist discipline and Soviet power
Chang, Iris -- the Rape of Nanking
Cockburn, Alex and St. Claire, Jeffrey -- Whiteout: The CIA, drugs and the press
Gatto, John Taylor -- The Underground History of American Education; Dumbing Us Down
Goliszek, Andrew -- In the name of science
Klein, Naomi -- The Shock Doctrine
Kohn, Alfie -- What does it mean to be well-educated?; No contest: the case against competition
Lemov, Rebecca -- World as Laboratory: Experiments with mice, mazes and men
Noble, David -- Forces of Production: a social history of industrial automation
Ritzer, George -- The McDonaldization of Society
Shepherd, Harold & Herrick, Neil -- Where Have All the Robots Gone?
Smith, Sharon -- Subterranean Fire: A History of working class radicalism
Szulc, Tad -- The CIA's Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test
Julie L. MacArthur: From Fenians to financiers -- James Connolly and the Irish meltdown
(Originally read a revised edition "Mortgaging Ireland: Financial Crisis & Socialist Resistance" published in the March 2011 issue of Monthly Review)
From Fenians to financiers: James Connolly and the Irish meltdown
By Julie L MacArthur
Rabble (Canada)
A spectre is haunting Ireland -- the spectre of James Connolly.
Connolly was executed by a British firing squad for his role in Ireland's 1916 Easter Rising for home rule. Celebrated as a hero of Irish independence by political parties of both the left and right in Ireland, his socialism is all too conveniently overlooked.
It is vital, however, to consider it, for the Irish struggle is one that speaks to the challenges of independence, sovereignty and democratic freedom, both at that time and now. And it is significant for the people of Ireland and of all countries. What value is formal political independence if it is not backed up by economic control; if the real decisions of public policy are made in boardrooms and backrooms rather than main streets and parliaments?
For Connolly:
"If you remove the English army tomorrow and hoist the green flag over Dublin Castle, unless you set about the organisation of the socialist Republic your efforts would be in vain. England would still rule you. She would rule you through her capitalists, through her landlords, through her financiers, through the whole army of commercial and individual institutions she has planted in this country and watered with the tears of our mothers and the blood of our martyrs." (Socialism and Nationalism, p25)
Now back to present-day Ireland.
A who's who of global finance descended upon Dublin in November to "hoist their flags," from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the European Central Bank (ECB), to the Rothschild investment bank, Merrill, Barclays, JP Morgan and Goldman Sachs. These power brokers arrived to prevent "contagion" from the financial crisis in this small country of 4.5 million people by lending the Irish state billions of euros to recapitalize insolvent banks and shore up the country's finances.
Unfortunately for the Irish, these actors came armed with the same ideological and policy tools that caused the crisis: a commitment to neoliberal growth models, open markets and the primacy of financial interests over those of labour, sovereignty or independence. Moreover, alternative ideas and paths are lacking from elites in Ireland's two major parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, as both are proven devotees of this free-market fundamentalism. It was their desire, proclaimed loudly through the 1990s and 2000s, to be "closer to Boston than Berlin" in regulation and finance.
Debt: to infinity, and beyond
The reasons for Ireland's economic collapse have been well covered by the global press in recent weeks. These include: an unsustainable growth model built on extremely low corporate taxes (12.5 per cent) and multinational inward investment, a property bubble fueled by cheap international credit, and politicians far too cozy with domestic banks and developers to regulate them sufficiently.
What is rarely highlighted in the press is the fact that Irish public spending was the casualty -- not the cause -- of the crisis. When Lehman Brothers investment bank collapsed in 2008 and credit markets seized up, Ireland's property bubble burst. As a result, a significant portion of bank assets became worthless and the country's construction and property sectors came to a standstill. The Irish government recapitalized banks with government bonds (totaling more than 176 per cent of GDP in 2009) in return for worthless property assets.
Dublin announced the deepest spending cuts in the history of the Republic to meet the conditions of the Nov. 28 €85 billion IMF and European Central Bank (ECB) loan. The state plans to raise income and sales taxes by €5 billion and cut spending by €10 billion by: reducing welfare payments by €3 billion, eliminating 25,000 public sector jobs and raising sales taxes by two per cent (to 23 per cent) by 2014.
According to economists Simon Johnson and Peter Boone "each Irish family of four will be liable for €200,000 in public debt by 2015." In all, €20.7 billion from the public pension fund was funneled to the banks over the last year and a half.
Perhaps most significantly, the Nov. 24 national budget plan outlined no change in the corporate tax rate of 12.5 per cent (one of the lowest corporate tax rates in Europe) "under any circumstances."
There were alternatives. The government could have required creditors to bear a share of the costs by allowing defaults and some bank failures. They could also have required the companies who have benefitted for years from the corporate tax policy to pay an equal share. Google, for example, reportedly saved $3.1 billion in taxes over the last three years by setting up in Ireland.
More recently, calls to withdraw from the European Monetary Union (EMU) have emerged in order to follow Iceland's lead of currency devaluation (an option denied Ireland). They chose to draw from the public purse instead.
While the IMF is asserts that its work pushing austerity in Ireland is ‘technical not political' the Irish public disagrees, and so do I. What could be more political than the socialization of bank debts and transfers of public wealth in to private hands?
Popular backlash
As the costs of propping up corrupt officials, developers and international bankers becomes increasingly unpalatable, politics in the Republic is shifting left; according to a Dec. 2 poll, Sinn Fein - "we ourselves" in Irish -- is two points higher than the ruling party Fianna Fáil. They won a historically unprecedented by-election seat in Donegal on Nov. 25 and their support in the south has doubled in the past month, from 8 per cent to 16 per cent. Political heavyweight Gerry Adams is giving up his seat in Westminster to run in the Republic's early 2011 election. These gains have opened up the possibility of a coalition with the Irish Labour Party in the New Year. This represents a colossal swing in post-independence Irish politics dominated by 60 years of rightist Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.
Political opposition to the status quo also transcends electoral politics. On Nov. 27, 2010 close to 100,000 people (the equivalent of 785,000 in Canada) marched through the streets of Dublin. The banners and placards quoted Connolly and other heroes of Irish independence. These protests have been growing in size and frequency over the past year.
Such political developments may be short lived. Free-market party Fine Gael is also gaining politically as more conservative voters swap one establishment party for another.
Furthermore, nearly one in three Irish youth are predicted to leave the country in coming years, to make ends meet in countries like Canada and Australia, thus eroding some momentum for change. Finally the Congress of Irish Trade Unions (CITU) -- the organizer of the largest and most recent rally -- is seen as tainted by years of "social partnership" with ruling parties. Taken together, these factors may undermine the development of a cohesive and coherent political countermovement.
To Read the Rest of the Essay
From Fenians to financiers: James Connolly and the Irish meltdown
By Julie L MacArthur
Rabble (Canada)
A spectre is haunting Ireland -- the spectre of James Connolly.
Connolly was executed by a British firing squad for his role in Ireland's 1916 Easter Rising for home rule. Celebrated as a hero of Irish independence by political parties of both the left and right in Ireland, his socialism is all too conveniently overlooked.
It is vital, however, to consider it, for the Irish struggle is one that speaks to the challenges of independence, sovereignty and democratic freedom, both at that time and now. And it is significant for the people of Ireland and of all countries. What value is formal political independence if it is not backed up by economic control; if the real decisions of public policy are made in boardrooms and backrooms rather than main streets and parliaments?
For Connolly:
"If you remove the English army tomorrow and hoist the green flag over Dublin Castle, unless you set about the organisation of the socialist Republic your efforts would be in vain. England would still rule you. She would rule you through her capitalists, through her landlords, through her financiers, through the whole army of commercial and individual institutions she has planted in this country and watered with the tears of our mothers and the blood of our martyrs." (Socialism and Nationalism, p25)
Now back to present-day Ireland.
A who's who of global finance descended upon Dublin in November to "hoist their flags," from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the European Central Bank (ECB), to the Rothschild investment bank, Merrill, Barclays, JP Morgan and Goldman Sachs. These power brokers arrived to prevent "contagion" from the financial crisis in this small country of 4.5 million people by lending the Irish state billions of euros to recapitalize insolvent banks and shore up the country's finances.
Unfortunately for the Irish, these actors came armed with the same ideological and policy tools that caused the crisis: a commitment to neoliberal growth models, open markets and the primacy of financial interests over those of labour, sovereignty or independence. Moreover, alternative ideas and paths are lacking from elites in Ireland's two major parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, as both are proven devotees of this free-market fundamentalism. It was their desire, proclaimed loudly through the 1990s and 2000s, to be "closer to Boston than Berlin" in regulation and finance.
Debt: to infinity, and beyond
The reasons for Ireland's economic collapse have been well covered by the global press in recent weeks. These include: an unsustainable growth model built on extremely low corporate taxes (12.5 per cent) and multinational inward investment, a property bubble fueled by cheap international credit, and politicians far too cozy with domestic banks and developers to regulate them sufficiently.
What is rarely highlighted in the press is the fact that Irish public spending was the casualty -- not the cause -- of the crisis. When Lehman Brothers investment bank collapsed in 2008 and credit markets seized up, Ireland's property bubble burst. As a result, a significant portion of bank assets became worthless and the country's construction and property sectors came to a standstill. The Irish government recapitalized banks with government bonds (totaling more than 176 per cent of GDP in 2009) in return for worthless property assets.
Dublin announced the deepest spending cuts in the history of the Republic to meet the conditions of the Nov. 28 €85 billion IMF and European Central Bank (ECB) loan. The state plans to raise income and sales taxes by €5 billion and cut spending by €10 billion by: reducing welfare payments by €3 billion, eliminating 25,000 public sector jobs and raising sales taxes by two per cent (to 23 per cent) by 2014.
According to economists Simon Johnson and Peter Boone "each Irish family of four will be liable for €200,000 in public debt by 2015." In all, €20.7 billion from the public pension fund was funneled to the banks over the last year and a half.
Perhaps most significantly, the Nov. 24 national budget plan outlined no change in the corporate tax rate of 12.5 per cent (one of the lowest corporate tax rates in Europe) "under any circumstances."
There were alternatives. The government could have required creditors to bear a share of the costs by allowing defaults and some bank failures. They could also have required the companies who have benefitted for years from the corporate tax policy to pay an equal share. Google, for example, reportedly saved $3.1 billion in taxes over the last three years by setting up in Ireland.
More recently, calls to withdraw from the European Monetary Union (EMU) have emerged in order to follow Iceland's lead of currency devaluation (an option denied Ireland). They chose to draw from the public purse instead.
While the IMF is asserts that its work pushing austerity in Ireland is ‘technical not political' the Irish public disagrees, and so do I. What could be more political than the socialization of bank debts and transfers of public wealth in to private hands?
Popular backlash
As the costs of propping up corrupt officials, developers and international bankers becomes increasingly unpalatable, politics in the Republic is shifting left; according to a Dec. 2 poll, Sinn Fein - "we ourselves" in Irish -- is two points higher than the ruling party Fianna Fáil. They won a historically unprecedented by-election seat in Donegal on Nov. 25 and their support in the south has doubled in the past month, from 8 per cent to 16 per cent. Political heavyweight Gerry Adams is giving up his seat in Westminster to run in the Republic's early 2011 election. These gains have opened up the possibility of a coalition with the Irish Labour Party in the New Year. This represents a colossal swing in post-independence Irish politics dominated by 60 years of rightist Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.
Political opposition to the status quo also transcends electoral politics. On Nov. 27, 2010 close to 100,000 people (the equivalent of 785,000 in Canada) marched through the streets of Dublin. The banners and placards quoted Connolly and other heroes of Irish independence. These protests have been growing in size and frequency over the past year.
Such political developments may be short lived. Free-market party Fine Gael is also gaining politically as more conservative voters swap one establishment party for another.
Furthermore, nearly one in three Irish youth are predicted to leave the country in coming years, to make ends meet in countries like Canada and Australia, thus eroding some momentum for change. Finally the Congress of Irish Trade Unions (CITU) -- the organizer of the largest and most recent rally -- is seen as tainted by years of "social partnership" with ruling parties. Taken together, these factors may undermine the development of a cohesive and coherent political countermovement.
To Read the Rest of the Essay
Monthly Review Press: Michael D. Yates -- "Notes from the Editors (March 2011)"
Notes From the Editors (March 2011)
by Michael D. Yates
Monthly Review Press
...
The January employment report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) shows an unemployment rate of 9.4 percent for December 2010, which represents about 14.5 million people. This was down from 9.8 percent in November. However, if there had been no dropouts from the labor force (by virtue of people having become discouraged enough to stop searching for jobs) between November and December, the unemployment rate would have remained at 9.8 percent. If we were to count those dropouts, along with other “marginally attached” workers, as unemployed, and add the part-time workers who desire full-time work, we would get an expanded measure of labor market distress—the underemployment rate (“U6” in BLS parlance), which in December was 16.7 percent, or 26.1 million persons. In June 2009, it was 16.6 percent. So nearly two years after the recovery began, we have the same amount of actual labor market misery.
These overall rates hide great variability—by duration, race and ethnicity, and age. Six million four hundred thousand workers have been officially unemployed for longer than six months, an incredible 44.3 percent of all the officially unemployed, down only slightly from the post-Second World War high of 45.6 percent hit in May 2010. And there are millions of workers who have been unemployed for at least a year; a recent New York Times article cites evidence that the re-employment rate—the chance that these people will find a job in the next month—is a meager 8.7 percent. It is 30.7 percent for those unemployed fewer than five weeks (Catherine Rampell, “Unemployed and Likely to Stay That Way,” December 2, 2010, http://nytimes.com).
So-called minorities have been hit hardest by the crisis. In December, black and Latino workers had official unemployment rates of 15.8 and 13.0 percent, respectively. The rate for workers of all races between ages sixteen and twenty-four was 18.1 percent—particularly troubling because young people are being denied the initial entry into the workforce so essential to their future economic well-being. Young nonwhite men and women are experiencing unemployment rates that defy belief. For example, black teenagers had an unemployment rate of 44.2 percent. A recent study conducted by the Community Service Society of New York (Unemployment in New York City During the Recession and Early Recovery, http://cssny.org) found that the average unemployment rate for black, non-Hispanic men sixteen to twenty-four in New York City, during the eighteen months between January 2009 and July 2010, was 33.5 percent. Their labor force participation rate—the share of the working age population in the labor force—was a minuscule 38 percent, meaning that a high proportion of New York City’s black youth has dropped out of or never entered the labor force. Most startling was that only one in four were employed at all.
The BLS data cited above are from the monthly survey of about sixty thousand households. The BLS also conducts a survey of about four hundred thousand businesses to obtain information about employment gains and losses. The economy has been adding jobs for several months, but not nearly enough to reduce the unemployment rate significantly. The Economic Policy Institute tells us that
While the labor market is now adding jobs, it remains 7.2 million payroll jobs below where it was at the start of the recession three years ago. And even this number understates the size of the gap in the labor market by failing to take into account the fact that simply keeping up with the growth in the working-age population would require the addition of another 3.7 million jobs in those three years. This means the labor market is now nearly 11 million jobs below the level needed to restore the pre-recession unemployment rate (5.0% in December 2007). [Heidi Shierholz, “Labor Force Smaller than before Recession Started,” January 7, 2011, http://epinet.org]
The grim labor market news is matched by the statistics on poverty and inequality. A record number of people, 43.6 million, now live in poverty, and nineteen million of these have annual incomes less than one-half of the poverty level, an amount equal to $10,977 for a family of four. Income inequality keeps getting worse, as most of the gains in national income now go to the richest 1 percent of households.
The federal government’s response to the continuing depressed conditions of the nation’s working men and women has mimicked the propaganda emanating from the wealthy and their media puppets. Capital wants to go in for the kill, eliminating the last bastions of working-class security and power: social security and public sector labor unions. President Obama appointed two vicious opponents of social security to his deficit reduction commission, and the media are full of attacks on public employees. There is no evidence that social security will soon be insolvent, or that public employees are overpaid and unproductive. But as editor John Bellamy Foster recently argued on the Public Broadcasting Service, “It doesn’t seem to matter to those making such charges that all of this is false—as long as they have the power to spread such misinformation and people are sufficiently gullible”
To Read the Entire Commentary
by Michael D. Yates
Monthly Review Press
...
The January employment report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) shows an unemployment rate of 9.4 percent for December 2010, which represents about 14.5 million people. This was down from 9.8 percent in November. However, if there had been no dropouts from the labor force (by virtue of people having become discouraged enough to stop searching for jobs) between November and December, the unemployment rate would have remained at 9.8 percent. If we were to count those dropouts, along with other “marginally attached” workers, as unemployed, and add the part-time workers who desire full-time work, we would get an expanded measure of labor market distress—the underemployment rate (“U6” in BLS parlance), which in December was 16.7 percent, or 26.1 million persons. In June 2009, it was 16.6 percent. So nearly two years after the recovery began, we have the same amount of actual labor market misery.
These overall rates hide great variability—by duration, race and ethnicity, and age. Six million four hundred thousand workers have been officially unemployed for longer than six months, an incredible 44.3 percent of all the officially unemployed, down only slightly from the post-Second World War high of 45.6 percent hit in May 2010. And there are millions of workers who have been unemployed for at least a year; a recent New York Times article cites evidence that the re-employment rate—the chance that these people will find a job in the next month—is a meager 8.7 percent. It is 30.7 percent for those unemployed fewer than five weeks (Catherine Rampell, “Unemployed and Likely to Stay That Way,” December 2, 2010, http://nytimes.com).
So-called minorities have been hit hardest by the crisis. In December, black and Latino workers had official unemployment rates of 15.8 and 13.0 percent, respectively. The rate for workers of all races between ages sixteen and twenty-four was 18.1 percent—particularly troubling because young people are being denied the initial entry into the workforce so essential to their future economic well-being. Young nonwhite men and women are experiencing unemployment rates that defy belief. For example, black teenagers had an unemployment rate of 44.2 percent. A recent study conducted by the Community Service Society of New York (Unemployment in New York City During the Recession and Early Recovery, http://cssny.org) found that the average unemployment rate for black, non-Hispanic men sixteen to twenty-four in New York City, during the eighteen months between January 2009 and July 2010, was 33.5 percent. Their labor force participation rate—the share of the working age population in the labor force—was a minuscule 38 percent, meaning that a high proportion of New York City’s black youth has dropped out of or never entered the labor force. Most startling was that only one in four were employed at all.
The BLS data cited above are from the monthly survey of about sixty thousand households. The BLS also conducts a survey of about four hundred thousand businesses to obtain information about employment gains and losses. The economy has been adding jobs for several months, but not nearly enough to reduce the unemployment rate significantly. The Economic Policy Institute tells us that
While the labor market is now adding jobs, it remains 7.2 million payroll jobs below where it was at the start of the recession three years ago. And even this number understates the size of the gap in the labor market by failing to take into account the fact that simply keeping up with the growth in the working-age population would require the addition of another 3.7 million jobs in those three years. This means the labor market is now nearly 11 million jobs below the level needed to restore the pre-recession unemployment rate (5.0% in December 2007). [Heidi Shierholz, “Labor Force Smaller than before Recession Started,” January 7, 2011, http://epinet.org]
The grim labor market news is matched by the statistics on poverty and inequality. A record number of people, 43.6 million, now live in poverty, and nineteen million of these have annual incomes less than one-half of the poverty level, an amount equal to $10,977 for a family of four. Income inequality keeps getting worse, as most of the gains in national income now go to the richest 1 percent of households.
The federal government’s response to the continuing depressed conditions of the nation’s working men and women has mimicked the propaganda emanating from the wealthy and their media puppets. Capital wants to go in for the kill, eliminating the last bastions of working-class security and power: social security and public sector labor unions. President Obama appointed two vicious opponents of social security to his deficit reduction commission, and the media are full of attacks on public employees. There is no evidence that social security will soon be insolvent, or that public employees are overpaid and unproductive. But as editor John Bellamy Foster recently argued on the Public Broadcasting Service, “It doesn’t seem to matter to those making such charges that all of this is false—as long as they have the power to spread such misinformation and people are sufficiently gullible”
To Read the Entire Commentary
Martin Smith: The Rise of the Right in Europe
[Contemporary mapping of right-wing and fascist movements in Europe]
The Rise of the Right in Europe
by Martin Smith
We Are Many
Socialism 2010 (Chicago)
To Listen to the Presentation
The Rise of the Right in Europe
by Martin Smith
We Are Many
Socialism 2010 (Chicago)
To Listen to the Presentation
Shaun Harkin: Fascism -- What it is and How to Fight it
[Excellent historical outline of the rise of fascism in Europe]
Fascism: What it is and How to Fight it
by Shaun Harkin
We Are Many
Socialism 2010 (Chicago)
To Listen to the Presentation
Fascism: What it is and How to Fight it
by Shaun Harkin
We Are Many
Socialism 2010 (Chicago)
To Listen to the Presentation
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